Para Handy has been sailing his way into the affections of generations of Scots since he first weighed anchor in the pages of the Glasgow Evening News in 1905. The master mariner and his crew - Dougie the mate, Macphail the engineer, Sunny Jim and the Tar - all play their part in evoking the irresistible atmosphere of a bygone age when puffers sailed between West Highland ports and the great city of Glasgow. This definitive edition contains all three collections published in the author's lifetime, as well as those that were unpublished and a new story which was discovered in 2001. Extensive notes accompany each story, providing fascinating insights into colloquialisms, place-names and historical events. This volume also includes a wealth of contemporary photographs, depicting the harbours, steamers and puffers from the age of the Vital Spark.

All forms of government require popular support to survive, whether voluntary or involuntary. Following the collapse of the Soviet system, Russia s rulers took steps toward democracy, yet under Vladimir Putin Russia has become increasingly undemocratic. This book uses a unique source of evidence, eighteen surveys of Russian public opinion from the first month of the new regime in 1992 up to 2009, to track the changing views of Russians. Clearly presented and sophisticated figures and tables show how political support has increased because of a sense of resignation that is stronger than the uncertain economic reliance on exporting oil and gas. Russia is not only an outstanding example of popular support increasing for a government that rejects democracy, but is also representative of a surprising number of regimes around the world that have been able to mobilize popular support for undemocratic regimes. Richard Rose is Director of the Centre for the Study of Public Policy and Sixth Century Professor of Politics at the University of Aberdeen. William Mishler is Professor of Government and Public Policy at the University of Arizona, Visiting Professor of Political Science at the University of Aberdeen, and co-editor of the Journal of Politics. Neil Munro is currently a visiting lecturer in the Department of Asian Studies at the University of Edinburgh and was formerly a senior research fellow in the Centre for the Study of Public Policy at the University of Aberdeen.

Illustrating the power, simplicity, and generality of the concept of flatness, this reference explains how to identify, utilize, and apply flatness in system planning and design. The book includes a large assortment of exercises and models that range from elementary to complex classes of systems. Leading students and professionals through a vast array of designs, simulations, and analytical studies on the traditional uses of flatness, Differentially Flat Systems contains an extensive amount of examples that showcase the value of flatness in system design, demonstrate how flatness can be assessed in the context of perturbed systems and apply static and dynamic feedback controller design techniques.

All forms of government require popular support to survive, whether voluntary or involuntary. Following the collapse of the Soviet system, Russia s rulers took steps toward democracy, yet under Vladimir Putin Russia has become increasingly undemocratic. This book uses a unique source of evidence, eighteen surveys of Russian public opinion from the first month of the new regime in 1992 up to 2009, to track the changing views of Russians. Clearly presented and sophisticated figures and tables show how political support has increased because of a sense of resignation that is stronger than the uncertain economic reliance on exporting oil and gas. Russia is not only an outstanding example of popular support increasing for a government that rejects democracy, but is also representative of a surprising number of regimes around the world that have been able to mobilize popular support for undemocratic regimes. Richard Rose is Director of the Centre for the Study of Public Policy and Sixth Century Professor of Politics at the University of Aberdeen. William Mishler is Professor of Government and Public Policy at the University of Arizona, Visiting Professor of Political Science at the University of Aberdeen, and co-editor of the Journal of Politics. Neil Munro is currently a visiting lecturer in the Department of Asian Studies at the University of Edinburgh and was formerly a senior research fellow in the Centre for the Study of Public Policy at the University of Aberdeen.

Since the fall of communism Russia has undergone a treble transformation of its political, social and economic system. The government is an autocracy in which the Kremlin manages elections and administers the law to suit its own ends. It does not provide the democracy that most citizens desire. Given a contradiction between what Russians want and what they get, do they support their government and, if so, why? Using the New Russia Barometer - a unique set of public opinion surveys from 1992 to 2005 - this book shows that it is the passage of time that has been most important in developing support for the new regime. Although there remains great dissatisfaction with the regime's corruption, it has become accepted as a lesser evil to alternatives. The government appears stable today, but will be challenged by constitutional term limits forcing President Putin to leave office in 2008.

Since the fall of communism Russia has undergone a treble transformation of its political, social and economic system. The government is an autocracy in which the Kremlin manages elections and administers the law to suit its own ends. It does not provide the democracy that most citizens desire. Given a contradiction between what Russians want and what they get, do they support their government and, if so, why? Using the New Russia Barometer - a unique set of public opinion surveys from 1992 to 2005 - this book shows that it is the passage of time that has been most important in developing support for the new regime. Although there remains great dissatisfaction with the regime"s corruption, it has become accepted as a lesser evil to alternatives. The government appears stable today, but will be challenged by constitutional term limits forcing President Putin to leave office in 2008.

Russians want free elections and order. Although their political elites have had no difficulty in supplying candidates and parties in the last decade, predictability in everyday life and the rule of law have suffered. This book is about Russia's attempt to achieve democratization backwards, by holding elections without having created a modern state. This dilemma is the challenge that Russia presents to Vladimir Putin.

The statistics detailing the socioeconomic growth of Russia and China are impressive. On some projections, China will be the world's largest economy by 2050, and Russia will be the sixth largest. Yet despite this impressive record of economic growth, a striking feature of both countries is the inegalitarian nature of their development - notwithstanding the (post)communist legacy. On most conventional measures, the two countries are now among the most unequal in the world, and the level of inequality has increased significantly since the 1990s. What effect does this endemic economic inequality have on political stability? From Aristotle onwards, observers have concluded that the greater the inequality within a society, the greater the likelihood of instability. This book addresses the relationship between economic inequality and political stability in Russia and China. Several chapters examine how economic performance has driven institutional reform, while others evaluate long term trends in public opinion to see how economic change has affected the public's views of politics. The conclusion is that both regimes have proved adept at adapting to rising inequality by managing the policy agenda, guiding public opinion and co-opting or repressing political opposition. The chapters in this book originally published as a special issue in Europe-Asia Studies.

The statistics detailing the socioeconomic growth of Russia and China are impressive. On some projections, China will be the world's largest economy by 2050, and Russia will be the sixth largest. Yet despite this impressive record of economic growth, a striking feature of both countries is the inegalitarian nature of their development - notwithstanding the (post)communist legacy. On most conventional measures, the two countries are now among the most unequal in the world, and the level of inequality has increased significantly since the 1990s. What effect does this endemic economic inequality have on political stability? From Aristotle onwards, observers have concluded that the greater the inequality within a society, the greater the likelihood of instability. This book addresses the relationship between economic inequality and political stability in Russia and China. Several chapters examine how economic performance has driven institutional reform, while others evaluate long term trends in public opinion to see how economic change has affected the public's views of politics. The conclusion is that both regimes have proved adept at adapting to rising inequality by managing the policy agenda, guiding public opinion and co-opting or repressing political opposition. The chapters in this book originally published as a special issue in Europe-Asia Studies.

Modern weaponry and warfare have entered a new era where death and destruction are produced electronically and with appalling speed and accuracy. This book shows for the first time how electronic combat and the battle for intelligence are changing every aspect of the battlefield of the future - from nuclear warfare to espionage. It is the first of its kind to show how the new technology and tactics are used, and how they shape strategy and peacetime planning.

Russians want free elections and order. Although their political elites have had no difficulty in supplying candidates and parties in the last decade, predictability in everyday life and the rule of law have suffered. This book is about Russia's attempt to achieve democratization backwards, by holding elections without having created a modern state. This dilemma is the challenge that Russia presents to Vladimir Putin.

Modern weaponry and warfare have entered a new era where death and destruction are produced electronically and with appalling speed and accuracy. This book shows for the first time how electronic combat and the battle for intelligence are changing every aspect of the battlefield of the future - from nuclear warfare to espionage. It is the first of its kind to show how the new technology and tactics are used, and how they shape strategy and peacetime planning.